By Sydicks Takudzwa Muradzikwa.
Richard Mahomva passes himself off as an analyst with a champion mind and clear eye. He loves to speak of hidden truths, yet repeatedly uses political theory dishonestly to protect a dying Zanu PF regime. After his latest attack on Evan Mawarire, i have no option but to call his intergrity and lack of honour into question.
The prevailing political crisis in Zimbabwe does not need the study Political Science or a comprehensive quantitative research for anyone to credit the steadfast endeavors of the current social movements.
These pro-citizen social movements have been playing a pivotal role in the demystification of Zanu PF’s perceived invincibility. This breakthrough ushered by the country’s new blood has been a non-starter issue for the past three decades.
The worsening political crisis in Zimbabwe has seen youth across the country’s diverse political divide taking a front role in shaping the national debate on the current status-quo. Individuals like Evan Mawarire of the #ThisFlag movement and Promise Mkhwananzi (who heads the #Tajumuka movement) have stood to challenge political leadership in Zimbabwe.
On the other hand, ZANU-PF has produced a new breed of its ineptitude defenders in the form of newspaper columnists and political analysts like Richard Runyararo Mahomva, a charismatic ex student leader who is largely pro-ZANU PF,
Mahomva, just like other ZANU regime sympathisers, opposition politicians, internal and external stakeholders of Zimbabwe politics have been left staggered by the new wave of articulating Zimbabwe’s crisis outside party lines.
Lately, social movements have taken the leading role in shaping public debate on Zimbabwe’s political crisis.
Social movements have seen large success chiefly due to their pro-citizen approach and growing relevance in Zimbabwe’s political landscape. Social movements have objectively exclaimed that the future of Zimbabwe belongs to ordinary citizens.
Their respective projections indicate that political movements which have failed the people of Zimbabwe since 1980.
Sttate conformists like Mahomva fail to appreciate the changing trends of Zimbabwe’s political environment. They have been stunned and left egg faced.
They failed to grasp that Zimbabwe’s political transformation shall come from the masses. The destiny of Zimbabwe is being curated by the suffering of thousands in the country not to mention the normalised state of oppression in Zimbabwe.
This game-change in articulating national challenges has not been welcome by high ranking government officials who have blatantly criticised social movements. On the other hand, state media cannot contain panic experienced in the high echelons of power. As such, the opinion and analysis pages have been surrendered to radical regime sympathisers who thrive on political correctness to gain attention of the regime.
Old vanguards of the regime such as Dr Tafataona Mahoso, Reason Wafawarova, Professor Isheunesu Mupepereki and others have retired from the game. Others have become dormant because they are tired of defending failure at the expense of their academic credentials.
For some praising the regime was incentivized and now they are struggling to survive in their new farming and mining projects which are courtesy of singing for their supper.
This has seen the rise of new ZANU-PF propagandists who are perpetuating the old political misnomer regarding any sentiment of dissent as aspirations for Western ushered regime change in Zimbabwe. One of these ZANU-PF defence wingers is my former Politics and Public Management classmate, Richard Runyararo Mahomva.
Back at MSU we nicknamed him Dr Tafataona Mahoso (and now the prophecy is fulfilled) because of his archaic political opinions. What differentiates Mahomva from Dr Mahoso is his sophisticated approach of complicating simple issues with decorative African nativist discourses and his dramatized academic clear-headedness.
Another distinct feature which separates Mahomva from Mahoso is his ability to interact with social media and stimulate debates through facebook.
Mahomva’s false appearance as a humble, open-minded and highly liberal pan-Africanist makes one think that he is a clear-headed and progressive political analyst. Mahomva hides his sympathy for ZANU-PF in the gigantic diction he applies in his writing and voluminous references to Afrocentric literature and political theory sources.
Even back in college he was good in articulating anti-colonial ideas. However, one way or the other he would stray as he still is doing now to use his hard crammed knowledge to convince everyone that ZANU-PF’s way of doing things is holier than any other.
Recently, Mahomva’s contribution in the Sunday News has served well as a buffer for the criticism Zanu PF has faced from citizen movements led by fearless individuals like Evan Mawarire.
However, I think Mahomva’s gross attack on Mawarire largely rests on the subject of religion. Since our college days, Mahomva was popular for blasphemy and open attacks on Christianity on the pretext of the religion’s colonial entry into Africa.
This is why in all his articles about Mawarire he takes a retarded ZANU-PF posture and likens the leader of the #ThisFlag movement to revolutionary clericals like Abel Muzorewa.
In fact, Mahomva has a venomous disrespect of the Christian divinity and values; this is why he referred to Mugabe as Africa’s Jesus Christ. The article which Mahomva dedicated to President Mugabe’s 92nd birthday was heavily criticised by many of his Christian friends after he shared it on his facebook timeline in February.
I agree with Mahomva in some aspects of his supposedly patriotic academic writing. For instance, the West and its allies might have been hindering socio-economic progress in Zimbabwe. However, contrary to Mahomva’s school of thought the ‘hashtag politicians’ and their predecessors are revolting against bad governance, mismanagement and corruption which are genuine national concerns.
Evan Mawarire combined with Tajamuka/ Sesjikile outfit have played a critical role in demonstrating that Zimbabweans have the capacity to change their plight in the hands of the politicians.
In fact, there is absolutely nothing wrong with citizens lamenting the state of corruption in the country. The economic desperation of Zimbabweans is enough to send them to the streets and not Western influence.
Therefore, it is surprising that individuals like Richard Mahomva who claim to be critical thinkers and are publishing academic books which are read in our universities make political observations from their comfort zone blind-spots to undermine such constructive national projects.
Mahomva’s article titled, ‘The Shutdown Zimbabwe campaign and the hypocrisy of leftist democracy’ published in the Sunday News on the 17th of July, 2016 undermined the role of social movements and only grounded the simplistic view that they are pursuing hidden regime change interests.
Likewise, his second article ‘Rethinking the ‘Shutdown Zimbabwe’ metanarrative’ also published by the Sunday News on the 24th of July, 2016 went further to dismiss the concerted efforts of the hashtag movements labeling them as western fostered entities.
This is contrary to the truth since social movements citizens now constitute a formidable structural paradigm for challenging political failure in Zimbabwe. Therefore, what Mahomva is propagating represents a discourse with little space in the contemporary politics of Zimbabwe.
The rise of these so called hashtag political activists through digital activism, early this year has marked the emergency of a powerful front of fighting against the old ZANU-PF regime.
These youth-led movements across the country and the diaspora have vowed to be the voice of the voiceless. Their energy comes in the midst of national dialogue regression promoted by individuals like Mahomva.
Nevertheless, in the midst of government sponsored repressive efforts, social movements shall continue with their intermittent and spontaneous rebellion to corruption and injustice.
Social movements are the only lubricant to the groundbreaking transitional machine of the nation’s repair process in motion. Social movements are an effective tool of dismissing the panicking despot who has been in power for over a quarter a century.
As long ZANU-PF continues not to be just a national security threat, but an organ thwarting dreams of the country’s youth, social movements will not die.
The presence of a crowd on the trial day of the clergyman Mawarire at the Rotten Row Court explicitly proved the power of social movements. There is no doubt that social movements express the long bottled bitterness and frustration of the people of Zimbabwe.
For warned is forearmed, any freedom fighting attempt should not be underestimated as a romantic idea as claimed by regime inclined metanarratives.
The government has virtually failed to combat escalating levels corruption and negligence on the national governance questions by leaders at the apex of government.
Therefore, for the past 36 years the ZANU-PF administration has faced the ‘crisis of fulfilment’ while the masses remain at the crumbling brink of the ‘crisis of expectation’.
The regime’s crisis of legitimacy coupled with a concoction of discontent inviting issues like joblessness, ill constitutional alignment, rule of law deficiencies, personalisation of state resources and misplaced priorities by the government.
One would wonder why this regime’s hero worshipping analysts would condemn those openly calling for government to reform. Dismissing state critics as western pawns of regime change agenda is naïve and absurd.
The cry of the people must be heard and those given the opportunity share their ideas in the press must highlight genuine concerns of the public’s suffering.
However, whether attributed with certainty or with suspicion that the bourgeoning political groups are western funded or not. It is unequivocally beyond any reasonable doubt that the government of Zimbabwe has failed with to provide its 2013 election promises.
Genuine critical thinkers need to hear interrogate such issues. Therefore, Mahomva needs to go through serious phase of personal reform before he is reformed by circumstances.